Redstate

By haystack Posted in 2008 — Comments (13) / Email this page » / Leave a comment »

Courtesy of Townhall, we get the transcript of Fred's speech to the Policy Exchange in London. There are quite a few remarkable passages worth considering here, but the very backdrop touted by Politico indicated that Fred was going to London to "seek Thatcher's blessing." I find that somewhat entertaining at face value, that he would seek her blessing, but what the heck - let Mike Allen have his fun I say.

Fred covered a number of topics, but he spared no effort to talk about the relationship between the UK and the US, and our shared history. One of my favorite quotes:

We must conclude that the greatest test of leadership – in your country or mine, in this time or any other – can be simply stated. We must shape events, and not be left at their mercy. And in all things, to protect ourselves and to assure the peace, the great democracies of the world must stick together. We must be willing to make tough decisions today in order to avert bigger problems tomorrow. We must be prepared to meet threats before threats become tragedies.

More below the fold...

In commenting about the transition from Blair to Brown, Fred said this:

Back in the U.S., we’re able to watch the House of Commons’ “Prime Minister’s Question Time,” which Mr. Brown will now endure. I’ve thought that America needed a weekly question and answer period between the President and Congress. But in the past few months I’ve decided it isn’t such a good idea.

Now, while I get the chuckle in that, over the past 6 years or so of the Bush Administration, such a communications technique may well have served President Bush and his allies a far cry MORE than where we find ourselves today. Routine and frequent communication is something this or any President would do well to remember.

With a little subtle self-directed humor:

[w]e believe in long presidential campaigns in the U.S. Most American politicians are afraid they won’t be considered serious candidates until they’ve made a promise a hundred times and spent a hundred million dollars. Though every now and then you still get some slow-poke who takes his time before announcing.

Fred got down to business.

In congratulating Brown on becoming 53rd PM, Thompson took the time to respect Tony Blair's friendship with the US, saying "we’ll miss him." But, beyond the personal appreciation for Blair's friendship, Thompson struck a nerve in both admitting the differences we have over Iraq, and simultaneously recognizing the need for, and the method of healing:

There are disputes of party here that are strictly British affairs. But sometimes the better points of statesmen possibly are seen more clearly at a distance.

We are profoundly grateful for the friendship of the British people, and in America we’ll always remember Mr. Blair as a gallant friend, even when it did him no good politically.

When we in the States take the measure of your leaders, their party affiliation doesn’t really count for a whole lot. It’s been this way for a while now, at every moment when it mattered. It was true in the days of Churchill and Roosevelt … of Thatcher and Reagan … and Blair and Bush.

Differences of party and domestic policy are incidental, compared to the bigger considerations that define Britain and America as allies. On both sides of the Atlantic, what matters most are the commitments we share, and the work we are called to do in common. This work is based upon the principles we hold – primarily, the right of free people to govern themselves. We also believe that the rule of law, market economies, property rights, and trade with other nations are the underpinnings of a free society.

and in this passage you recognize the importance of what "statesmanship" brings to the mix.

In quoting Lord Stockton's response when asked "what he considered the greatest challenge in all his years as a statesman", to which Stockton replied “events, my dear boy, events.”, Thompson went on to articulate the common ground on which we really do stand with Britain, and the larger "West" by suggesting:

Events often have a way of intruding upon the plans of free people. As a rule, people in democratic societies prefer to take care of the business of life. They raise families. They work and they trade. They create wealth and they share it. Above all in free societies, we live by the law – and, at our best, we look after one another, too. Yet in every generation, “events” can be counted on to change the plan, sometimes in tragic ways.

Often the cause of our grief is a misplaced trust in the good intentions of others. In our dealings with other nations, people in free countries are not the type to go looking for trouble. We tend to extend our good will to other nations, assuming that it will be returned in kind. No matter how clear the signals, sometimes in history even the best of men failed to act in time to prevent the worst from happening.

The United States and the United Kingdom have learned this lesson both ways – in great evils ignored, and in great evils averted. We learned it from a World War that happened and, in the decades afterward, from the World War that didn’t happen.

Evils ignored, indeed.

And, all at once, Thompson recognized where we have gone wrong with Iraq and the greater Middle East, where others in the West have gone wrong, and just what needs to be done about it now:

For our part, we in the United States must make a better case for our views and our actions. It is possible that things that are perfectly obvious to us may not be so obvious even to those who wish us well. We must be willing to listen and we must be willing to share our intelligence to the maximum extent appropriate.

We must be prepared to make our case not just privately, but to the people of Europe and the world in order to build political support for cooperation. The world is not stronger if America is weaker – or is perceived to be weaker. The same is true of Britain and truer still of our NATO alliance. And we must be capable of making that case.

In return, it is fair to expect that our allies will not put their trade and commercial interests above world security. It is also fair to ask that Europeans consider the consequences if they are wrong about the threat to the Western world.

Many in Europe simply have a different view from that of the United States as to the threat of radical Islamic fundamentalism. They think that the threat is overblown. That despite September 11th, and July 7th and other attacks in Europe and elsewhere, America is the main target and therefore the problem is basically an American one. The fact that no weapons of mass destruction were found in Iraq at a particular point in time resolves the matter for them. Also, they see no meaningful connection between terrorist groups and countries like Iran.

For my money, whoever gets elected President, this country needs to stop allowing itself to be forced to apologize for trying to protect herself and her allies. We share mistakes with others, and we own a few all by ourselves, but we are NOT in this alone, and a Statesman is what is needed going forward who can both SLAP the frightened partners, and acknowledge his own country's mis-steps...all the while looking forward to "where do we go from here." I hope that person is elected, whomever that may be.

In showing a recognition of the problem we face with Radical Islam Thompson acknowledges that "even some in America think that the threat is overblown", but goes on to suggests that:

We understand that the Western world is in an international struggle with jihadists who see this struggle as part of a conflict that has gone on for centuries, and who won’t give up until Western countries are brought to their knees. I agree with this view. I believe that the forces of civilization must work together with common purpose to defeat the terrorists who for their own twisted purposes have murdered thousands, and who are trying to acquire technology to murder millions more.

When terrorists in their video performances pledge more and bigger attacks to come, against targets in both Europe and America, these are not to be shrugged off as idle boasts. They must be taken at their word.

When the president of Iran shares his nightmare visions before cheering crowds, those are not just the fanatic’s version of an empty applause line. The only safe assumption is that he means it. If we know anything from modern history, it is that when fanatical tyrants pledge to “wipe out” an entire nation, we should listen. We must gather our alliance, and do all in our power to make sure that such men do not gain the capability to carry out their evil ambitions.

And this is a far cry from those who suggest the War on terror is a bumper sticker slogan that is folly and should be ignored as some right-wing propaganda mechanism used to frighten people. At least he gets this, and continues to articulate it to the Brits who themselves have endured their own attacks on their own soil.

In closing, and in remembering Churchill's words as he memorialized Chamberlain after his death, Thompson offered this:

In memorializing in the House of Commons his longtime adversary, Churchill pronounced the bitter controversies put to rest. He said, quote, “History with its flickering lamp stumbles along the trail of the past, trying to reconstruct its scenes, to revive its echoes, and kindle with pale gleams the passion of former days.”

In the end, he reflected, “The only guide to a man is his conscience; the only shield to his memory is the rectitude and sincerity of his actions.” We are “so often mocked by the failure of our hopes and the upsetting of our calculations; but with this shield, however the fates may play, we march always in the ranks of honour.”

Maybe it’s the actor in me that admires this scene so much. It’s a moment that no script-writer could improve upon. I am struck by its spirit, the magnanimity and generosity of the man … the willingness to let old arguments go, and move on to great objectives held in common.

We in this alliance have had our own share of hopes mocked and plans upset. And now it is time to shake off the disappointments, to let go of controversies past, and to press on together toward the great objectives. To ensure security for our people. To be a force for stability in the world. To remain the stalwart friends of freedom.

For our part, we in the United States have never had occasion to doubt the fortitude and faithfulness of the British people. As much as ever, we count ourselves lucky to call the United Kingdom our closest ally, and we are proud to call you our finest friend.

Britain is our greatest ally. We have let many things come between us over Iraq, Global Warming, and others, but it is in the best interests of both nations to "shake off the disappointments, to let go of controversies past, and to press on together toward the great objectives. To ensure security for our people. To be a force for stability in the world. To remain the stalwart friends of freedom."

I couldn't agree more.